In the ballot box, Macron’s martial arts politician spirit display was a damp squib. Especially for him was the total indifference of voters, a record percentage (53 percent) abstaining. The president’s mania hyperactivity was met by shrugging the classic Gallia.
And after taking the shipwreck to a traditional political party, Macron encountered an immovable object, indifference. The movement he created six years ago, La Républiqueen marche (“Movement Republic”), stopped. He renamed it Renaissance, but so far it hasn’t played or restarted.
It was revolutionary France that invented left- and right-wing politics, but Macron is either difficult to pigeon hole — but he is hardly a typical French politician. In essence, he is often unable to hear men, especially women, on the streets because he is devoted to more epic gestures than ideological consistency.
He has regained some dignity in the presidency, which was ridiculed under Nicolas Sarkozy and the bohemian Francois Hollande. His eyes on symbolism have often helped him, for example, in his eloquent message to the Queen of Platinum Jubilee.
But for Macron, the symbolism is no longer enough. Marianne, who has anthropomorphized France since 1789, has abandoned her former god-like lover.
“Chicken in a pan”
After five years in office, the president forgot that the election would ultimately be determined by the bread and butter issue. After years of blockades and pandemics, he promised a radical reform of the economy, but he promised nothing to families who were already making dramatic economies.
Macron tends to forget the deepest truth ever laid out in French politics more than four centuries ago. Henry IV, who was practical enough to change his religion to become king, declared: ) Every Sunday. ”
Like the UK, France is facing a cost of living crisis, the only real solution to which is the very unpopular financial crisis. The difference is that in France, both inflationary fatigue and recession medicines can be blamed on the European Central Bank, which is not responsible, unlike the Bank of England.
Another difference is that Britain had Mrs Thatcher, but France has never radically reformed the public sector. Therefore, they are in a more bloated bureaucratic state than Britain. Government spending accounts for more than 60% of GDP, compared to about 50% in the UK.
Prior to Brexit, French financial services and entrepreneurs could easily move to London’s milder fiscal and regulatory system. This brain drain infuriated Macron, who made an article of faith to make France more competitive — with limited success.
Macron, who wasted years when the pandemic interrupted his reforms, promoted a liberalization program that would rebalance the economy, ease the burden on the business and encourage workers to retire later. I wanted to use the second phase of.
Macron’s hope is now in the ruins. “His reform agenda wouldn’t be much more ambitious than expected,” said Armin Steinbach, a Paris-based economist.
The crisis can occur with state-owned pension reform. This is a problem that has already brought millions of people to the streets on Mayday’s demo. Macron wants to raise his pensionable age from 62 to 65. This is even lower than the UK, which is now 66, and will be 67 in three years.
British people widely agree that improving health and longevity means that people can live longer and often want, but French people accept this demographic obligation. I refuse to do that. Left and right populists are exploiting the negative population, pretending to be able to help pensioners whose economy grows indefinitely. In particular, Melenchon campaigned to reduce the pension age from 62 to 60.
Such fantastic policies are inspired by Thomas Piketty and other neo-Marxist and New Keynesian economic theories, can generate money, have unlimited borrowing, and have no downside to taxation. Suggests.